By Laurens Ankersmit
Last Thursday, the leaders of the Belgian federal government and the regional and community governments reached a compromise deal over the EU-Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA). One of the key outcomes is that the Belgian federal government will seek the Opinion of the European Court of Justice on the compatibility of the Investment Court System (ICS) in Chapter Eight of CETA with the Treaties. As soon as the Belgian federal government makes the request for an Opinion, the Court will be able to express itself on this contentious legal issue. In this post, I will provide some background on the origins of the Walloon request before explaining why ICS could potentially pose a legal problem for the EU.
Wallonia’s longstanding resistance against CETA and the resolution of 25 April of 2016
To insiders, the resistance put up by Wallonia in particular should have been no surprise. Over the past few years, the Walloon and Brussels parliaments have had extensive debates on the merits of CETA and have been increasingly critical of the deal. One of the main and more principled sources of opposition was the inclusion of ICS in CETA, a judicial mechanism that allows foreign investors to sue governments over a breach of investor rights contained in the agreement. Continue reading
By Maxime Lassalle
The AG’s proportionality test
After these general considerations, the AG starts his proportionality test. In the opinion nine points are considered separately (para. 210). From this analysis, three main elements deserve to be emphasized. Continue reading
By Maxime Lassalle
On 8 September 2016, Advocate General (AG) Mengozzi delivered his much awaited opinion on the agreement between Canada and the European Union on the transfer and processing of Passenger Name Record (PNR). It follows the European Parliament’s resolution seeking an Opinion from the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) on the compatibility of the agreement with the Treaties. Even though the opinion concludes that the agreement has many loopholes, it could disappoint those who were expecting a strong condemnation of PNR schemes as such.
This blogpost intends to present the context of this procedure and the main elements of the AG’s opinion before analysing them. The question of the appropriate legal basis for the agreement, also raised by the Parliament, will not be addressed. However, before turning to the AG’s opinion, we need to briefly sketch the background of the proposed agreement. Continue reading
Conference « New Instruments to Promote the Correct Application of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights »
Florence, 28 October 2016. Deadline for (free) registration : 18 October 2016.
Colloquium « Les religions et le droit du travail »
Université de Rouen, 20-21 Octobre 2016. Free access.
Conference « Computers, Privacy & Data Protection : The Age of Intelligent Machines »
Brussels, 25-27 January 2017. Deadline for submissions : 22 October 2016.
Call for Papers: ESIL Conference “The Role of the European Parliament in the Conclusion and Implementation of International Agreements on International Economic Law Issues”
European Parliament, Brussels, 9 December 2016. Deadline for abstract submissions: 7 November 2016.
Call for papers : One Day Symposium on Transnational and International Environmental Crime – Synergies, Priorities and Challenges
University of Lincoln, 15 February 2017. Deadline for abstract submissions : 18 November 2016.
Call for submissions Comparative Constitutional Law and Comparative Law Quarterly
Deadline for submissions : 27 November 2016.
Housing Law Research Network 3rd Annual Housing Law Symposium: Human Rights, Housing and Dispute Resolution
Malmö University, 23-24 March 2017. Deadline for abstract submissions : 1 January 2017.
By Darren Harvey
During her speech at the Conservative Party conference on Sunday, Prime Minister Theresa May stated that the UK would be notifying the European Council of its intention to withdraw from the EU in accordance with Article 50(1) TEU by the end of March 2017 at the latest.
Earlier that day, during an interview on the BBC with Andrew Marr, the Prime Minister was asked what will happen immediately after the notification to leave the EU has been made.
The Prime Minister responded:
“Well, it’s for the European Union, the remaining members of the EU have to decide what the process of negotiation is. I hope, and I’ll be saying to them, that now that they know what our timing is going to be, it’s not an exact date but they know it’ll be in the first quarter of next year, that we’ll be able to have some preparatory work, so that once the trigger comes we have a smoother process of negotiation.”
Shortly after this announcement, European Council President Donald Tusk took to Twitter, stating that once Article 50 had been triggered, the remaining 27 EU Member States would “engage to safeguard [their] interests” – thus suggesting that no preliminary negotiations shall be conducted prior to such notification.
This exchange raises a fundamental question about the Article 50 TEU withdrawal process that has not yet been fully considered; namely, what role will the European Council play in this process? Continue reading
By Márk Némedi
“Do you want the European Union to be able to prescribe the mandatory settlement of non-Hungarian nationals to Hungary even in lack of the consent of the National Assembly?”[i] – this is the question Hungarian voters will be asked to respond to on 2 October 2016. Speculations and verbal sparring have been strengthening about what may lie ahead, and not without reason. It appears that the possible legal and political implications of a valid vote could be broader than usual. At the least, referenda should pose concrete questions which invite an answer giving political institutions a well-circumscribed mandate. They should not give national governments a blanket authorisation and a political salvus conductus to freely choose what the will of the people requires. This contribution will look at how these principles fare in the upcoming referendum on the migrant quota and what the broader implications may be for both Hungary and the Union. Continue reading
Call for Papers: Regional Human Rights Systems in Crisis
Wisconsin International Law Journal Annual Forum, University of Wisconsin, 31 March 2017. Deadline for abstract submission: 23 September 2016.
Call for Papers: EUSA Conference “Uncertain Destinations: The European Union at 60”
Miami, 4-6 May 2017. Deadline for abstract submission: 30 September 2016.
Call for Papers: Workshop on the legislative choice between delegated and implementing rule-making
German Research Institute for Public Administration, Speyer, 20 March 2017. Deadline for abstract submission: 10 October 2016.
Conference: An Administrative Procedure Act for the EU?
Lund University, 24 November 2016. Deadline for (free) registration: 10 November 2016.
By Hugo Flavier and Sébastien Platon
There seems to be a common assumption (see, among many others, here 3.6, here or here at 14:00) that there is a distinction between two kinds of « post-Brexit agreements », i.e. the withdrawal agreement (the divorce settlement) and the agreement regarding the future relationship between the United Kingdom (UK) and the European Union (EU). However, this distinction is, in fact, not very clear. It raises, in particular, several questions related to the legal basis and the nature (exclusive or not) of the withdrawal agreement. This contribution aims to clarify the distinction between these two agreements and identify the legal difficulties arising from their articulation. It will be argued that, due to some legal uncertainties, the negotiators of these agreements should be careful of their respective contents. Continue reading
PhD Forum “Law and Governance in a Crisis-Ridden Union”
Netherlands Institute for Law and Governance, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, 17 November 2016. Deadline for abstract submissions : 4 September 2016.
Call for papers “The Migration Crisis as a Challenge for Democracy”
Centre for Direct Democracy Studies, University of Białystok. Deadline for abstract submissions : 10 September 2016.
Note by the editors: we will take a short break over the summer and resume blogging in the week of 16 August
By Vanessa Franssen
On 19 July, Advocate General (AG) Saugmandsgaard Øe delivered his much awaited opinion on the joined cases Tele2 Sverige AB and Secretary of State for the Home Department, which were triggered by the Court of Justice’s (CJEU) ruling in Digital Rights Ireland, discussed previously on this blog. As a result of this judgment, invalidating the Data Retention Directive, many Member States which had put in place data retention obligations on the basis of the Directive, were confronted with the question whether these data retention obligations were compatible with the right to privacy and the right to protection of personal data, guaranteed by Articles 7 and 8 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (Charter). Hence, without a whisper of a doubt, several national legislators eagerly await the outcome of these joined cases, in the hope to get more guidance as to how to apply Digital Rights Ireland concretely to their national legislation. The large number of Member States intervening in the joined cases clearly shows this: in addition to Sweden and the UK, no less than 13 Member States submitted written observations. The AG’s opinion is a first – important – step and thus merits a closer look. Continue reading
Conference “The Concept of International Constitutional Law”
Vienna University of Economics and Business, 23 September 2016. Deadline for (free) registration : 16 September 2016.
Conference “Movement of People – A Comparative Conference on Migration”
University of Hamburg, 23-24 September 2016. (Free) registration necessary.
Conference “An Administrative Procedure Act for the EU?”
University of Lund, 24 November 2016. Deadline for (free) registration : 10 November 2016.
By Oliver Garner
On 23 June 2016, the population of the United Kingdom voted “leave” on the referendum question of whether the United Kingdom should leave or remain within the European Union. The consequences of this vote could be that the government of the Member State triggers Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union; this will start the process of the United Kingdom becoming the first Member State to withdraw from the European Union. This seismic event poses a new challenge to our understanding of European integration as a progressive process of ever closer union. Instead, fragmentation in the scope of integration could now occur through the rights created by European Union law no longer being enforceable in the territory of the United Kingdom, and no longer being applicable to United Kingdom citizens within the territory of the European Union.
Much has already been written in the months preceding the referendum regarding the process of the withdrawal negotiations following the triggering of Article 50. In contrast, this particular post will focus on whether the conditions for withdrawal have in fact been fulfilled, and therefore whether the United Kingdom is indeed bound to withdraw from the European Union. The result has triggered outrage from the 48% of the population who voted to remain, with calls for a second referendum, suggestions that the House of Commons could ignore the result, and a promise by the leader of the Liberal Democrats that the party would run on a platform to remain within the Union in any future general election. Despite the exercise in direct democracy, the answer of whether the United Kingdom must now withdraw is not clear from the country’s constitution because there is no precedent for the withdrawal from a multilateral treaty regime which creates directly effective legal rights for citizens. Continue reading
By Rebecca Zahn
The British referendum on the country’s continued membership of the EU has dominated the political and media landscape both in the UK and abroad for the last few months. There has been a plethora of academic commentary on the possible consequences of a British exit (‘Brexit’). On 23 June, based on a turnout of 72%, 52% of the electorate voted for Leave, while 48% supported Remain. This narrow majority disguises dramatic differences between different regions: Scotland, Northern Ireland and large parts of London voted to Remain whereas substantial sections of Wales and most of England voted to Leave.
In the run-up to referendum day, workers’ rights were invoked repeatedly by both sides of the campaign as either a reason to back or oppose Brexit. Leave campaigners, such as Patrick Minford, Professor of Economics at Cardiff Business School, argued that the UK needed to reset its relationship with the EU to ‘jettison excessive protection and over-regulation, notably in the labour market’. Domestic employment laws originating from the EU legislature, such as the much vilified Working Time Directive, have often been described as a burden on business, inflexible, uncompetitive and inefficient. On the other hand, Remain campaigners such as Frances O’Grady, General Secretary of the British Trades Union Congress (TUC), warned repeatedly that ‘working people have a huge stake in the referendum because workers’ rights are on the line’ and the link between the UK’s membership of the EU and better protection of workers’ rights featured heavily in campaign material opposing Brexit. Continue reading
By the editors
The British people voted by a majority of just over million people to leave the EU. Some have hailed this unprecedented decision as a return to sovereignty and a reassertion of British prominence on the global stage. Others mourn the outcome, believing it to represent a lurch towards splendid isolation and irrelevance. The vote laid bare a number of hard truths for both sides. While the close margin was largely anticipated, a negative and divisive campaign has meant that there is little common ground on which both the Remain and Leave camps can build. The results also exposed the extent of the inter-generational divide within the UK. Young voters chose by a large majority to remain while older voters chose to leave. This has led to the obvious recrimination that having reaped the benefits of EU membership for decades, older voters are depriving younger generations of these opportunities and deepening existing inequalities. The EU may, however, take some hope from this vote of confidence from the British youth.
Beyond the political, economic and social implications of the result within the UK and for the EU, the vote will have significant legal consequences. In the coming months, we will attempt to identify the legal questions that Brexit will entail. A few spring to mind: Is the UK bound to invoke the Article 50 procedure? (The political establishment in the UK appear to think not.) What happens to the international (trade) agreements concluded jointly by the EU and the UK? How will the border between Northern Ireland – which voted to Remain but will become an external border of the EU – and the Republic of Ireland be policed and what impact will this have on the Good Friday Peace Agreement? What – if any – immediate implications will this have for British MEPs, the CJEU, Commission officials, for the Council and – of course – for the British Presidency of the Council in 2017? Will Assange no longer have to fear for extradition to Sweden? What will happen to the more than one million UK citizens living and working in Europe? And what will happen to EU citizens living and working in the UK (including, for instance, professional football players)? How will the UK’s environmental law and policy be affected, as, for instance, REACH will no longer be applicable in the UK? How will the Brexit vote affect the development of the digital single market or the future funding of scientific research?
A particularly worrying feature of the UK referendum campaign, visible in the US Presidential Elections and elsewhere – is the vilification of ‘experts’ and the willing disregard of evidence. Nevertheless, as lawyers we must continue to rely on such evidence and expertise to negotiate the legal issues this vote will raise. All contributions to this blog on these legal implications are very welcome – informed expert opinion matters.
By Daniela Jaros
A couple of months ago, an interesting volume edited by Federico Fabbrini, Ernst Hirsch Ballin and Han Somsen entitled „What form of government for the European Union and the Eurozone?“ appeared on the EU law book market. Containing contributions of many renowned scholars of EU law and EU politics, it seeks to explore the impact of the Euro-crisis on the institutional setting, the distribution of competences and the balance of power as well as issues of legitimacy and accountability within the Eurozone and ultimately within the European Union. Continue reading
Jean Monnet Doctoral Workshop “Interactions Between European Union and International Law”
City University London, 23 June 2016. Deadline for abstract submission: 25 March 2016.
Conference “Boosting the Enforcement of EU Competition Law at Domestic Level”
Radboud University Nijmegen, 3 June 2016. Deadline for abstract submissions: 31 March 2016.
Workshop “The Disintegration of Europe”
Hertie School of Governance, Berlin, 30-31 May 2016. Deadline for abstract submissions: 1 April 2016.
Seminar “Transnational Solidarity: Setting the Boundaries”
Center for Transnational Legal Studies, London, 1 April 2016. (Free) registration needed.
Conference “Environmental Rights in Europe and Beyond”
Lund, 21-22 April 2016. (Free) registration needed.
Conference “Existe-t-il encore un seul non bis in idem aujourd’hui?”
University of Nancy, 28 April 2016. Registration needed.
Vienna Journal on International Constitutional Law Conference 2016
Vienna University of Economics and Business, 23 September 2016. Deadline for abstract submissions: 15 May 2016. Continue reading
By Angelo Marletta
The current European migratory crisis shows how politically sensitive the surveillance of the EU’s external borders is and the dramatic human consequences of the failures of that surveillance. On the one hand, border surveillance is essential to obtain situational awareness and to build an effective border policy. Border surveillance can indeed provide data and patterns to analyze and forecast migratory flows and to coherently plan actions to deal with them. Under EU Law, the surveillance of the External Borders is based on the Schengen acquis.
On the other, failures of surveillance can negatively impact the whole system of border management and, more concretely, the lives of migrants. Notwithstanding the relatively close distances between its shores, the Mediterranean is by far the deadliest sea border for migrants.
In Kingdom of Spain v. European Parliament and Council (C-44/14, 8 September 2015) the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice (‘CJEU’) delivered its third judgement on Protocol 19 to the TFEU (‘Schengen Protocol’) addressing an essential element of the Schengen cooperation on border surveillance: the European Border Surveillance System – in short, EUROSUR. Continue reading
Par Sarah Progin-Theuerkauf et Samah Posse-Ousmane
Dans un arrêt important du 15 février 2016 dans l’affaire J.N., la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne a confirmé la validité de l’art. 8 par. 3, premier alinéa, sous e), de la directive 2013/33/UE (directive « accueil »). La Cour s’est notamment prononcée sur sa compatibilité avec l’art. 6 de la Charte des Droits fondamentaux de l’Union européenne (UE) et l’art. 5 CEDH (tel qu’interprété par l’arrêt Nabil). Si le raisonnement de la Cour dans le cas d’espèce paraît judicieux, il laisse ouvertes certaines questions relatives à la détention des demandeurs d’asile en général. Continue reading
Seminar „Rethinking EU Competences“
Inter-University Center, Dubrovnik, 17-23 April 2016. Deadline for abstract submissions: 31 January 2016.
Conference „Europe’s crisis: What future for immigration and asylum law and policy“
Queen Mary University of London, 27-28 June 2016. Deadline for abstract submissions: 15 February 2016.
LCII Conference „Regulating Patent ‘Hold-up’“
Brussels, 29 February 2016. Deadline for (paid) registration: 25 February 2016.
ASIL Interest Group Meeting „Regional Approaches to International Adjudication“
Washington, 30 March-2 April 2016 (exact date TBD). Deadline for abstract submissions: 1 February 2016.
By Michele Simonato
As observed earlier on this blog, criminal ne bis in idem is a key issue for the development of an Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ), particularly in order to ensure the freedom of movement of EU citizens by protecting them from multiple prosecutions in different Member States.
In the last years the CJEU has developed an autonomous transnational concept of ne bis in idem (i.e. independent from the national understanding of this principle) based upon the provisions contained in Articles 54 et seq. of the Convention Implementing the Schengen Agreement (CISA), and the principle of mutual trust between Member States. The ‘transnational’ EU ne bis in idem is also a fundamental right enshrined in Article 50 Charter of the Fundamental Rights of the European Union (Charter or CFREU), thus part of the primary law of the Union.
This comment focuses on the opinion delivered last December by the Advocate General Yves Bot in Kussowski (C-486/14, 15 December 2015, not yet available in English). After the Spasic case (C-129/14 PPU, 27 May 2014, commented by Marletta on this blog), this new case offers the CJEU another opportunity to clarify the relation between Article 50 CFREU and the CISA provisions, and thus the real added value of the Charter. Furthermore, the Court is called upon to indicate to which extent mutual trust should shape the relations between national criminal justice authorities. Continue reading